In that case, we should not have achieved it in the first place. The Constituent Assembly plus the soviets that is that combined type of state institution towards which we are going. By strategy, we understand the art of conquest, i. In the temporary retreat of Lenin there was not even a hint of a change in the political line. In the very heat of the struggle he did not for a single moment forget the tasks of creating a new Communist International. But ultimately the opportunity for a successful insurrection was missed. It seemed to them that the constantly rising revolutionary flood tide would automatically solve the military question.
Chapter 3 The Struggle Against War and Defensism The overthrow of tsarism in February 1917 signaled, of course, a gigantic leap forward. That moment was the rising of the peasants after the June coup of Tsankov. No better test of viewpoints concerning revolution exists than the verification of how they worked out during the revolution itself, just as a system of swimming is best tested when a swimmer jumps into the water. The instability of the conciliationist soviets lay precisely in this democratic amorphousness of a demi- power coalition of workers, peasants, and soldiers. All these letters, every sentence of which was forged on the anvil of revolution, are of exceptional value in that they serve both to characterize Lenin and to provide an estimate of the situation at the time. It was no longer a question of prognosis or perspective; it was literally a question of how we were to act the next day.
Neither the elemental disintegration of the state power nor the elemental influx of the impatient and exacting confidence of the masses in the Bolsheviks could endure for a protracted period of time. These are the means whereby bourgeois society seeks to create for itself a new backbone for state power, stability, and order. In October 1917, the working class masses, or at least their leading section, had already come to the firm conviction on the basis of the experience of the April demonstration, the July days, and the Kornilov events -- that neither isolated elemental protests nor reconnoitering operations were any longer on the agenda -- but a decisive insurrection for the seizure of power. The consequences entailed by this or that careless or premature act serve each time as most cruel reminders of the enemy's strength. The bureaucratic monarchy defended itself in a hand -- to mouth manner, probing in the dark and then acting. Such partial mistakes of forecast are absolutely unavoidable even under the most favorable circumstances and it is always more correct to make plans in accordance with the less favorable conditions. The general demonstration at Petrograd, which the conciliators had rather imprudently initiated, took place almost wholly under Bolshevik slogans.
The Lessons of October is Trotsky's attempt to analyse why this historical opportunity was passed by - and why the Russian Revolution succeeded. As has already been said, the disagreements centered around the question of power. If you need games, be sure to check out our new. The whole of the April Party Conference was devoted to the following fundamental question: Are we heading toward the conquest of power in the name of the socialist revolution or are we helping anybody and everybody to complete the democratic revolution? The clash on this question was a prelude to the struggle over the question of boycotting the Pre-Parliament. But even in the political life of France we have had flashes of civil war, times when the Central Committee of the party and the trade union leadership had to react in action to unpostponable and acute questions such as the sanguinary meeting of January 11, 1924.
Prior to the war we did not, as a rule, make this distinction. Get ready for October in your Children's Ministry! Most likely, it will be possible to create soviets only in the very last days, as the direct organs of the insurgent masses. Naturally, there could be no talk whatever of conciliation under such conditions. It's a great time to use candy and candy bars to teach kids lessons from the Bible! No one would dare -- so they said in substance propose that we boycott the Parliament; nevertheless, a proposal is made that we boycott an identical institution merely because it is called a Pre-Parliament. On October 25 power was seized in Petrograd and the Soviet government was created. And, of course Fall Festivals are a great time for outreach to the community and invite more families to church. The bourgeoisie would bide its time to seize a favorable moment when it could profit from the movement of the lower classes, throw its whole social weight into the scale, and so seize the state power.
At the conclusion of the Democratic Conference we extracted from the conciliationists a promise to convene the Second Soviet Congress. The resolution for an armed insurrection was adopted by the Central Committee on October 10. On November 7, Pravda carried the decisive declaration of the Central Committee of our party, written by Lenin, and permeated with real revolutionary fervor, expressed in clear, simple, and unmistakable formulations addressed to the rank and file of the party. With this in mind they convened the Democratic Conference and created the Pre-Parliament. Our fraction in the Democratic Conference, numbering over a hundred individuals, did not differ greatly, especially during those days, from a party congress. No one else has even attempted to advance any other explanation.
But one must measure up not to old formulas but to the new reality. On the contrary, with the march of events, these disagreements assume more concrete forms, and reach their sharpest expression during the most decisive moment of the revolution -- in the October days. In the right wing, a tendency manifested itself during those days to draw closer to the soviet majority on the basis of defending the revolution and, in part, the fatherland. I now have one in my room. On the other hand, the forces and resources at our command now are in no way comparable to what we had during those years of hardship. They base their position on the hook of etiquette. We have here the basic arguments in favor of signing the Brest -- Iitovsk peace; in the present instance, however, they are being directed against the seizure of power.
It will tend to broaden the horizon of every revolutionist, disclosing before him the multiplicity and variety of ways and means which can be set in motion, provided the goal is kept clearly in mind, the situation is correctly appraised, and there is a determination to carry the struggle through to the end. The situation seemed perfectly hopeless. On the basis of our experience -- even taking only one year, from February 1917 to February 1918 -- and on the basis of the supplementary experience in Finland, Hungary, Italy, Bulgaria, and Germany, we can posit as almost an unalterable law that a party crisis is inevitable in the transition from preparatory revolutionary activity to the immediate struggle for power. On the way from the Renaissance to our days we have enriched our experience, but we have lost the concept of a Supreme Complete Entity which used to restrain our passions and our irresponsibility. There the communists, along with the left social democrats, did not conquer power, but were handed it by the frightened bourgeoisie.