But this ability is often greater in societies with strong common purposes than in those which risk being paralysed by fundamental differences about their goals. Norman argues that justice presupposes the existence of a community, but at the same time a shared conception of justice is said to be a precondition of political community. The clash of these two nation-building projects raised anew the question of just what sort of nation-state Canada was. The Introduction is not a summary of the chapters that follow. Minorities ± Political activity ± Case studies. The universal generalizations must not be made simply because they will be of no help. Yet, in order to sustain what can be recognized as a common deliberation, a people has to have a minimal common focus, a set of agreed goals, or principles, or concerns, about which they can debate, argue and struggle.
Approaches to the normative questions of how to reconcile state and nation and the right of selfdetermination take two forms. Rather the theoretical and empirical approaches must complement each other. In theory, Quod omnes tangit what touches all must be approved by all , one of the oldest principles of western constitutionalism, has been revived and given a variety of multilogical reformulations as a principle of democratic legitimacy. Now under the terms of the Stormont accords, both have accepted that Northern Ireland, as a unit, has a right to self-determination and will decide freely to which state it wants to belong, with both states pledged to respect this choice. There is no identity as a nation that precedes the activity and passes unaltered through the activity.
And, in following a similar logic, asymmetrical arrangements are said to be able to settle questions of national identity better than symmetrical solutions. Neither perspective provides any easy answers, but I will argue that the latter perspective at least provides a framework in which the issues can be addressed. The more the fear has mobilizing potential, the more instability prevails, with, as a probable ®nal outcome, the deconstruction partition of the larger state. This applies to peoples within multi-peoples or multinational states, not just to single-nation states para. The Supreme Court of Canada, in Reference re Secession of Quebec 1998 , is the ®rst court of a multinational society to acknowledge this condition of freedom and to articulate an appropriate account of democratic constitutionalism in response. Jacques Parizeau, for example, believes that Quebec can manage with much less than do some other sovereigntists.
In the case of Northern Ireland, however, British governments have gone a long way to accepting shared sovereignty with the Republic of Ireland. Rather, these contests constitute an enduring dimension of modern politics: the public disclosure of misrecognized identities and the demand that the other members acknowledge these and respond. This book concentrates on European and North American democracies and will be of interest to those concerned about the increasing plurality and cultural complexity of modern societies. Greater Brussels is a case in point, with its language question remaining very much unstable more than three decades after the linguistic territorial borders of Belgium were supposed to have been solved once and for all. That is, the members of the society not only act democratically within the rules and procedures of cooperation; they also impose the rules on themselves and alter the rules and procedures democratically en passant. Pluralism Social sciences ± Case studies.
Moreover, these multilogues involve not only deliberation but various forms of reason, rhetoric and visceral behaviour: deliberation, negotiation, persuasion, information-seeking, enquiry and eristic Walton 1998 and Connolly 1999. If peoples in multinational democracies do not have this right and duty, they are unfree because the background constitution is not open to democratic discussion and amendment. His writings on federalism in Canada began with the award-winning Federal-Provincial Diplomacy: the Making of Recent Policy in Canada University of Toronto Press, 1972. As Brubaker 1992 pointed out, German nationalists in the late nineteenth century opposed extending citizenship to non-ethnic Germans, such as the Poles of East Prussia, because they could not conceive of a political community in terms other than a community of common descent thus, ethnic. At the same time, it is becoming harder and harder to maintain this unity on the older bases, by homogeneous, difference-blind republics or homogeneous nationstates.
It does not, however, travel well beyond North America or back in time. Recent debates in Quebec have similarly posed the question and rival claims to self-determination are in con¯ict. Fourth, the constitution includes the principles, values and goods that are brought to bear on the identi®cation of members, the relations among them, and the discussion and alteration of their identities and relations over time. Multinational Democracies begins with a short foreword written by Charles Taylor, followed a longer introduction written by James Tully, and 14 articles divided up in three parts. It is available at www.
It is now widely argued in theory and practice that the identities worthy of recognition must be worked out and decided on by the members of the association themselves, through the exercise of practical reason in negotiations and agreements Tully 2000b. These are democratic societies that are not only multicultural but also multinational: that is, they comprise two or more nations. It has even threatened economic ef®ciency, by militating against the production of public goods and the social cooperation which is the essential counterpart to competition in a market economy. Despatched in 7 to 9 days. Both English and Scottish parliaments were abolished10 in favour of a new parliament of Great Britain and, since the Scottish Parliament had never established the principle of absolute 10 Scottish nationalists will insist that the Scottish Parliament was actually only prorogued. However, this is suf®cient only for a subset of modern societies, those that are non-federal and do not acknowledge the protection of minorities as an independent principle. I present this argument in the following steps.
Hence, multinational democracies standardly exhibit both federal and confederal features. The point is rather that, in assessing the prospects for political stability in particular cases, it is ultimately more fruitful to look at psychological factors, namely the social status of cultural groups, 68 Dominique Arel whether there are trends indicating a change in groups' perceptions of themselves and the other, and the likely political implication of these changes. Thus, the appropriate way to acknowledge and respond fairly to the reciprocal claim of others in the course of elaborating and defending a claim for nationhood will be complex. There are two phases of negotiation. So they perhaps re¯ect more the standpoint of the critics than any universal principles; and just as the nation-state itself, so historic rights can develop and democratize without losing their legitimating power. But, a legitimate multinational democracy runs against the norms of single nationhood, not the norms of constitutional democracy, which are, fortunately for the future, contingently related to the old ideal of a single-nation polity.
Accordingly, the new, second-order aim of these struggles is for a form of political association that takes this ongoing activity into account in its basic structure. First, a constitution recognizes the members of a society under their respective identities and enumerates their rights, duties and powers. I will concentrate on multinational federal societies because I wish to draw on Canada and because they are more complex than non-federal multinational societies. All the force of the existing society or of the secessionist state cannot stabilize effectively the unjust situation or gain the recognition they need from others, as we have seen in many tragic cases. Struggles over Recognition and Institutions of Accommodation: 5. Accordingly, a multinational democracy will be free and legitimate insofar as it ensures that its constituent nations possess and can exercise the right of self-determination of peoples in some appropriate form or other.